1) " As Satish Deshpande argues, The anti-colonial swadeshi movement of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries politicized the buying of foreign goods in Race that sought to produce a new kind of Nationalist consciousness. For the movement, the consumption of commodities was tied to an image of the economy, as a locus of production, in the service of the nation(Deshpande 2003). The elite, reformist, and modernizing middle-class, as the Vanguard of the new nation, were imagined as comprising consumers, whose practice of consumption were tied to appropriate forms of modern domesticity and a productivist paradigm of citizenship. Search discourses of consumerism coma and the ways they were linked to understanding citizenship in India,are marked not by arguments about high and low culture, something that characterizes debates about consumption within Euro-American world, but rather by debates about westernization, tradition , and modernity generated out of the problematics of colonial and post-colonial nationalist projects(Chua,2000)"
2)I examine notions of public citizenship within the college that include young women within " civic" conceptions of the public yet marginalize or exclude them from a "political" public, and I consider now liberalizing discourses of conception address this notion."
3)" how can Kerala be a site through which we can understand Indian and global modernity? It is not my intention to nest the region within Nation and then within the world, as standard spatial imaginaries of social scales and globalization would have it. As a region, Kerala's experiences of globalization powerfully mediated simultaneously by the shifting context of India's shifting context of India's economic liberalization and through a highly regionally specific trajectory of development and migration. For example, Kerala's development experience must be contextualized at the intersection between regionally specific history of leftist radicalism that took on an overwhelmingly developmentalist form because of how this history intersected with a Nehruvian and Nationalist vision of state-centric development; the figure of midnight's children must be understood at the Crossroads between region and Nation. Similarly, constructions of liberalization's children assumes a 1990's metropolitan location at the prime example of globalization in India, and discussions of the latter have been dominated by studies of Delhi, Mumbai, and Bangalore. Kerala's experiences of a global floor in labor, commodities, and capital, primary to the Persian Gulf but also to other parts of the world, are long, expansive, and intense, and they predate the liberalization of the Indian economy in the early 1990s. However, this does not, in a straightforward way, make Kerala and exception. The contemporary economic, cultural, and political manifestations of international migration within Kerala intersect with this National moment of liberalization without being reducible to it. The rise of Hindu nationalism during the 1990s and its manifestations in Kerala have provided new conditions in which the politics of gender, caste, and class is tied to transnational migration and its impact."